US News Bulletin report

A State Agreement Could Change Who Wins the White House


A candidate could lose the national popular vote and still become president. That has happened before, and it may happen again under the rules Americans use now. But a quiet agreement among states could make that outcome harder.

The agreement is called the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact. It has existed for years, but it has not taken effect. Eighteen states and the District of Columbia have passed laws to join it. Together, they control 222 electoral votes. The compact needs states with at least 270 electoral votes before it can begin working. It is 48 votes short.

That number matters because the 2026 elections may have changed the math.

What the compact would do

Under the current system, each state awards its electoral votes based on the winner in that state, with Maine and Nebraska using a slightly different method. A candidate needs 270 electoral votes to win the presidency. That is why a candidate can win the White House without winning the most votes nationwide.

The compact would change that result for participating states. Each member would give all of its electoral votes to the candidate who wins the national popular vote, even if that candidate lost in that particular state.

The Electoral College would still exist. Electors would still meet and cast votes. But if enough states joined, the candidate with the most votes across the country would win. The compact would not abolish the Electoral College by amendment. It would work around it through state law.

I understand why that idea makes people uneasy. It changes a rule that has shaped presidential elections for generations. It also asks states to promise that their voters’ electoral votes may go to a candidate their own state did not choose.

That is a serious trade.

Why the math moved

Democrats won full control of state government in Pennsylvania, Michigan, Arizona, Wisconsin, and Nevada. In each of those states, the party won the governor’s office and both legislative chambers. Those five states together have 61 electoral votes.

If all five joined the compact, the participating states would have 283 electoral votes. That would clear the 270-vote threshold.

But that has not happened yet.

The five states would each need to pass legislation joining the compact. Winning an election does not guarantee that lawmakers will act. Some may support the idea. Some may oppose it. Others may decide it is too divisive or too legally uncertain to pursue.

So the honest answer is not that Democrats can now choose every future president. It is that they may have a path to make the compact active, if they choose to use it and if the laws pass.

That distinction matters. It is easy to turn a possibility into a certainty, especially in politics. The facts do not support that leap yet.

What remains uncertain

The compact would likely face legal challenges. One major question is whether Congress must approve it under the Constitution’s Compact Clause. Election-law experts have raised that issue, and the answer is not settled.

There is also the question of whether a state could leave after joining. The compact includes limits on withdrawal in the months before a presidential term ends, but a state that once joined could still try to challenge the agreement in court.

Those are not small details. They go to whether the compact can work as designed.

I do not think it is wrong to ask hard questions about a change this large. A presidential election is not an ordinary policy dispute. It decides who holds executive power, who appoints judges, and how federal power is used in people’s daily lives.

The current system has real flaws. A candidate can win the presidency while losing the national popular vote. That can leave many voters feeling that their ballot counted less because of where they live. The compact is meant to address that problem.

But fairness is not only about counting every vote equally. It is also about whether the rules are stable, understood, and accepted by people who lose. A system that changes through a patchwork of state laws may solve one problem while creating another.

Why this matters now

The compact has been around since 2006. It has never reached the threshold needed to take effect. What is new is the political opening created by the recent elections.

If the five Democratic-controlled states join, the compact could be in position for the 2028 presidential election. That does not mean it will be. It means the decision is no longer theoretical.

For ordinary voters, the issue is simple enough to state: Should the person who receives the most votes nationwide become president?

Many people would say yes without hesitation. Others would say the Electoral College protects smaller states and prevents presidential campaigns from ignoring them. Both views deserve a real hearing.

My own worry is not that the popular vote is a bad measure. It is a reasonable measure of who won the country’s presidential contest. My worry is that a major change may arrive through state-by-state agreements rather than through a broad national decision.

The Constitution gives states a role in choosing electors. That is why this route is possible. But a change this consequential deserves scrutiny, debate, and a clear legal foundation.

The compact may offer a way to make the popular-vote winner president. It may also face years of court fights before it ever does so. Between those two facts sits a choice that Americans have not yet made together.